Geographical variation in standard and non-standard English

In Scotland, a standard variety of English (Scottish Standard English) exists alongside a minority language, Scots. Both Scots and English have similar roots (as Germanic languages), which distinguishes them from Gaelic (a Celtic language). Scots shows some significant differences from Standard English in terms of vocabulary, pronunciation and grammar. Some examples of grammatical differences (taken from the SCOTS corpus, www.scottishcorpus.ac.uk) are presented below:

Scots	English
I’m silly, amn’t I?	I’m silly, aren’t I?
You’ll can enjoy your holiday now	You’ll be able to enjoy your holiday now
Fit wey was that?	Why was that?
How do you nae put that ain in your pocket?	Why don’t you put that one in your pocket?
I nae ken how to put the cord in	I don’t know how to put the cord in

Like the differences between Standard and non-standard varieties of English, the differences between Scots and English tend to cluster around particular aspects of grammar, such as negation, question formation, and the use of auxiliary verbs.

The spread of English around the world, and contact between speakers of English and other typologically distinct languages, has resulted in the development of a wide variety of 'new Englishes'. Some of these new Englishes have developed standard and vernacular varieties of their own. For instance, in Indian English, there are some significant differences between standard and non-standard wh-question formation and embedded question formation. The standard form is identical to standard British English:

What has she read?
He was wondering what she has read

However, vernacular Indian English uses different structures:
What she has read?
He was wondering what has she read

Contact with other languages may also mean that structural characteristics and lexical items of one language may be transferred into the English spoken in a given area. For instance, it has been suggested that the high degree of contact between English and Chinese in Singapore may be one reason for the prevalence of null-subject sentences in Singapore English, even in fairly formal circumstances. The following example (from Deterding 2007: 58) comes from an interview with a Chinese trainee teacher; the asterisks mark places where UK SE would require an overt subject:

so in the end ... * didn't didn't try out the rides, so initially * want to to take the ferris wheel ... but then ... the queue is very long and too expensive, so * didn't, didn't take any ... * spent about two hours there looking at the things

Indeed, a fascinating aspect of English in such contact situations concerns the emergence of standard forms which don't correspond to the standard forms of other Englishes: what constitutes the standard is often negotiated at a fairly local level, so there is a range of standard Englishes across the world.

Social characteristics of standard and non-standard English

SE is often defined socially, rather than linguistically as a ‘language of wider communication’, i.e. a variety which is widely understood and used. This definition suggests a neutral medium that facilitates communication between people from different regional and social backgrounds. However, there is no evidence that it is in fact more widely understood than non-standard varieties, and indeed it is likely that accent is more of a barrier to understanding than dialect.

Moreover, SE tends to be spoken at home by members of higher social classes (estimates put the number at not more than 15% of the population in Britain). The association of SE with social class and level of education is inconsistent with ideas of social neutrality and SE is sometimes seen more critically as a class dialect that serves to exclude rather than include other speakers. SE will have a range of associations for speakers – as neutral, educated, a language of social advancement, posh, exclusive, snobby. Such social meanings will affect how SE forms are taken up and used by speakers – something that needs to be taken into account in any attempt to teach SE.

Most economically advanced nations have one or more official or national standardized languages which at least some children learn at school and which are used in public and formal situations. In many countries, however, non-standard dialects have much higher social status than in Britain; for instance, in German-speaking Switzerland and in most parts of the Arabic-speaking world everyone uses the local non-standard variety at home so the link to social class is absent. Such evidence shows that standard and non-standard dialects can co-exist in a complementary relation, without being seen as in competition. This ‘bi-dialectism’ is comparable with the bilingualism of many speakers of community languages in Britain. This seems a satisfactory and sustainable outcome, and, in spite of the proscriptive attitudes of previous generations, there is no reason to assume that SE has to replace non-standard varieties.

Standard and non-standard English in education

SE and education are closely entwined, since education is the main channel for transmitting SE to speakers of other varieties and of teaching formal and written registers to all; and SE is the medium of most lessons and of the formal discourse of education. At one time there was a debate about whether schools should teach SE at all, and in particular about the need to teach spoken SE, but this debate has now been replaced by general agreement that schools should teach both written and spoken SE. (In practice, given the overlaps between varieties mentioned above, this would involve teaching, or drawing attention to, features that distinguish standard and non-standard forms.) CLIE sees no reason to disagree with this view.

A similar consensus exists, at least on paper, about responses to non-standard forms. These are no longer described in educational circles as 'wrong' or as 'mistakes', but are recognised as linguistically equivalent to their standard alternatives: official publications contain few negative references to non-standard varieties. Indeed, it would be fair to say that official publications hardly mention non-standard varieties at all (and equally rarely try to define SE).

This benign neglect is not enough to give non-standard varieties the status they should have as the varieties used by most school-children. The principle of 'starting where the child is' demands more serious attention, both in policy documents and in the classroom, to the varieties of English that most children know already. The arguments are familiar from the literature on community languages and English as an Additional Language; but they are rarely applied to non-standard varieties.

CLIE therefore believes that local non-standard forms should be much more ‘visible’ in the curriculum. As the normal speech of most pupils, they should be the starting point both for learning about SE and for exploring general principles of language – ‘Knowledge About Language’. We urge educationalists to devote more research to the question of how best to realise this principle.

Paradoxically, therefore, we end a statement about the teaching of SE by focussing on the importance of teaching about non-standard varieties.