Указатель географических и этнических названий


абазги 13

Абхазия, абхазы 40,42

Агачкалинский могильник 103

адыги, адыгейцы 13,22,52,61,108

Алания, аланы 13, 17, 18, 25, 29, 32-34, 52,

53, 57, 59, 65, 82-84, 99, 101, 103-106,

108, 114, 115 Алхан-Кала 52

Андрей-аульское городище 103 Аргуданское городище 52 Армения, армяне 6,77 Афрасиаб 104

Бактрия 40

Балкария, балкарцы 12, 13, 34-37, 50, 61,

76,97,106, 111 Белая Вежа 60 Белая Орда 61,68,98 булгары 13, 105

вайнахи 52,97

венгры 53

Верхняя Балкария 76

Византия 13, 16, 17, 25, 32, 33, 82, 83, 104,

106-108,115 Владикавказ 76 Волга, р. 25,61,66, 103

готы 83

Грузия, грузины 6, 77

гунны 15, 83

Дагестан 6,97,103 Дальний Восток 27, 28 Дешт-и Кипчак 68

Египет 25,39,84

Зеленчукский храм 32

Зикия 61

Золотая Орда 6, 52,60,61,63,66,68, 73

Ингушетия, ингуши 6, 13, 52, 61,94,97, 99,

107-109 Иран, иранцы 13, 30,104,107,115

Кабарда, кабардинцы 61, 108, 111 Кабардино-Балкария 6, 52, 73, 78,97 Казахстан 60,67 Карачай, карачаевцы 12, 13,61,94,97,106,

Каспийское море 25,40 Киевское городище 52 Кизил 104 кипчаки 73, 84 киргизы 63 Китай, китайцы 14, 16, 21, 25, 61, 66, 68,

103,П4 Колхида 39 Кольцо-Гора 103 Крым 103

куманы 53 Кучара 104 Кызыл-Кала 52

Лаба, р. 114

Малая Азия 39,40 мамлюки 84 монголо-татары 52,61,84,114

нахче 61 НижнийДжулат 52

овсети 61

Осетия, осетины 6, 11, 13, 19,22,40,52,61, 73, 76,94, 99, 106, 108-109, 111

Палестина 25

Пенджикент 27, 35, 104, 106, 107 Персия, персы 23,94,101, 102, 105, 114 половцы 6, 52, 53, 57, 59, 61, 65, 68, 72, 84, 105,106,109,114,116

Русь, русские 76,82,94, 109,111

Саки 88

Самарканд 25

Саркел 60

Сарматия, сарматы 11, 61, 103, 105, 106,

Сентинский храм 23 Сирия 25

Согд, Согдиана 40, 101 Средняя Азия 17, 53, 60, 67, 98, 101, 103,

104, 114

Ставропольский край 17 Старо-Лескенское городище 52

Таки-Бустан 105, 106

Тарашлык 104

Тарки 103

Татария, татары 40, 76,84

Терек, р. 52,90

Терское городище 52

узбеки 53

Улус Джучи 61,68

Усть-Теберда 26

Хазария, хазары 13,83,103-105 Хорезм, хорезмийцы 101 Хумара 103 хунну 103

черкесы 94,97

Чечня, чеченцы 6, 13, 52, 61, 94, 97, 99,

107-109, 111 Чир-Юрт 103

шапсуги 24





SUMMARY

The long-term process of cultural development in the North Caucasus resulted in ethnographic complexity. At the same time, within the North Caucasus area, a folk costume complex with a single style emerged—a clear evidence of the common historical trajectory and of cultural and economic connections, the principal elements of ethnographic development.

Not only is the costume an essential cultural marker related to ethnic and social categories of human society, it is also a valuable historical source providing a wealth of information on various fields of human activity, particularly where the group in question used no system of writing. The costume reflects the continuity of generations and the heritage of popular tradition, which may actually have an extreme time depth. Fashion is the most volatile part of material culture, the most sensitive to all innovations. Due to this, the costume helps us trace long-distance contacts. The costume in its comprehensive semantics is a vehicle for information on the gender, age and socio-economic status of the owner, thus reflecting the general level of the economy in a particular society.

Being conservative to an extent, clothes preserve some elements of the traditional costume, which often have the role of an ethnic marker. The costume ensemble is closely related to people's spiritual life, customs and rituals. Of great significance in the costume are decorations that frequently perform the function of an amulet or talisman, whose meaning, when revealed to us, sheds light on certain elements of ideological concepts.

The geographical area of this research is limited to the North Caucasus, which includes the Western and Middle Cis-Caucasian areas. The compact area under examination is united by cultural and historical bonds and comprises the modern Ossetia, Kabarda-Balkaria, Karachai-Cherkessia, Chechnya and Ingushetia.

The period of research is limited to the 7th-14th centuries. The starting point of the period is explained by the fact that it was in the 7th century that the Khazar Kingdom arose, whose culture spread over an extensive territory, including that of North Caucasus.

The time of the second half of the 11th through the 12th centuries is dealt with as a distinct period when the cultures of the North Caucasian peoples evolved in immediate contact with the new wave of Turkic-speaking nomads. Their interaction with the steppe during that period obviously affected the development of diverse cultural spheres of the North Caucasian peoples. A profound influence by the Polovtsy on the material culture of the North Caucasian populations is seen in the woman's costume.

In the 13th-14th centuries, the Caucasus came under the control of the Golden Horde. The Tartar-Mongol invasion was the last major intrusion into the North Caucasus that seriously reshaped the ethnic map of the North Caucasus, changing the economy, culture and daily life of the indigenous peoples.

The clothes, footwear and headgear found in burial mounds of the North Caucasus during archeological excavations became "the principal evidence for this research.

For a variety of reasons, certain details of the garments found in the burials may have been shifted from their original locations. Clothes, headgear and parts of attire are at times found without their composite ensemble. In such an event, pictorial evidence serves as a valuable source that helps reconstruct the complete costume ensemble, the manner of wearing and attaching belts, decorations, amulets, accessories, weapons, etc. Repeating images of a very frequent element would lead us to believe that the element was typical for that ethnic environment.

Archaeological and pictorial sources are to a great extent supported by written evidence, folk tales and traditional lore.

Ancient and medieval authors in the East and West provide evidence of different aspects of the costume of the Caucasus. Such descriptions in fact illustrate outsiders' perception of the outward appearance of the garment. The contemporary meaning of the costume ensembles is reflected in oral epics and folklore of the peoples of North Caucasus. Of particular value in this respect are tales and stories, since the clothes, headgear and footwear that they mention are described by the people who manufactured and used them, and interpreted through their own attitude towards their costume. The study of the costume in the Nart legend helps specify certain parts of the archaeological forms of the costume: the manner of wearing, its connection to ideology, and social history. The epic mentions virtually each and every component of the Caucasian costume within the context of the funeral rite, trade relations, the economic differentiation in the society. The Nart legend preserved the historical reality that was the background for the medieval costume.

The method developed by the author compares ethnographic materials with those of archaeology, art, written records and folklore; it helps balance the ethnic components that



J

make up the culture of the peoples of the Caucasus, and allows to consider the national costume as an expression of that culture and as a source of historical data.

Reconstruction based on a number of sources allows us to outline the formation process of the costume that eventually was completed in the Caucasus by the 19th century. The ensemble of the Caucasian costume is not just a typical feature of outward appearance, but an indication of the ethnographic integrity of the Caucasus as a cultural and historical region. This is all the more important as the formation of the Caucasus costume was the result of interaction of the Caucasus component with the Iranian and Turkic components.

In Chapter 1 the author examines the chronological aspect of the problem. When we speak of the costume ensemble, we mean clothes, headgear, footwear, decorations, belts and waistbands, and accessories.

Common characteristics of the Caucasus costume are obvious from the particular tailoring, manner of wearing, decoration and adornment. The basic Alanic man's costume of the 7th-1 Oth centuries consisted of loose short pants, stockings, an unlined warm kaftan (doublet), soft leather shoes without soles and headgear. These clothes were supplemented with a leather belt, stocking stripes and gloves. The woman's costume consisted of similar pants, stockings, a long gown, well-designed headgear and soft leather shoes. Women used to wear fleece-lined fur-coats, headscarves and gloves. Children's costume echoed that of adults.

The cut of the costume is a most manifest mark that connects it to the past. The man's kaftan of the time had no buttons, was bell-shaped, with a tight waist and a seam below it, with seamless shoulders. The woman's dress was basically tunic-shaped with seamless folded shoulders, of straight cut and without any horizontal seams. A unique element of the Alan dress of the period is the front pouch that was sewn on and used as a container for nuts and fruit. Long slits that reached down to the abdominal area were typical for mothers' clothes. On a maiden's dress such slits were not so long. Though the tailoring of upper body garments for men and women had marked differences, the clothes worn on the lower part of the body were unisex and comprised of short wide-stride pants and stockings. The upper body garment was decorated with imported silk fabric. It was very common to have clothes covered with square and round patches, and also with silk edging on the hem. Such edging would be turned over along the lateral slits, similar to the Byzantine tabula, orbiculum or gammadia.

The cut of the Alanic man's kaftan corresponds completely to the tailoring scheme of the Caucasian shoulder garment: the traditional beshmet and Circassian jacket, whose origin may be found in influence from the Central Asian steppes.

Footwear of the 7th-10th centuries was in the form of soft leather shoes or boots, without soles or heel. Found in burials were hand gloves for men and women, of canvas and leather, finger-gloves and open-finger palm-mitts.

Headgear was used as an age marker in the Alanic costume of the 7th-10th centuries. Boys' hats looked like a skullcap made of four wedges held together by the cap-band (which was sometimes made of fur). Men used to wear a variety of hats. There were helmet-shaped hats or caps with a dome-shaped or pyramid-shaped top of four wedges and a pate-patch.

We can confidently draw a line between the headgear worn by mothers and younger unmarried girls. Girls had the right to expose their hair. Hence, they wore small rotund caps, sewn of silk or crocheted, with the typical corner over the forehead, decorated with fabric or bronze pieces; diadems, made of cloth and decorated with imitations of coins; also, tall helmet-like hats similar to men's, with a round or pyramid-like top. A married woman with a child would hide her hair completely under a diadem, a hat with a plait-pocket, headscarf or a cover. This was a symbol of the woman's submission to her husband and his family, but also a sign of the social status of a woman who gave the family a new member.

Around the middle of the 11th century, the Polovtsy, a tribe that caused changes in the costumes of the indigenous peoples, appeared in the Cis-Caucasian steppes. The Polovtsy brought the unisex form of body garments, laced seams in clothes, and the beldek skirt to preserve man's clothes from tear and dirt. Such a warm and protective skirt is shown in Polovtsy effigies, and is found ethnographically in the Kirghiz national costume.

The cut of the woman's clothes in the Caucasus underwent dramatic changes in that period The tunic-shaped dress was replaced by a kaftan similar to man's clothes: a horizontal waist seam and no buttons; the stand-up collar and the axial slit in the dress are apparent—something never found in 7th-10th centuries. Such kaftan was probably worn on top of the traditional dress which gradually transformed into underwear; the cut of that underwear, according to ethnographic evidence, fully corresponds to the Alanic dress of the 7th-10th centuries.

For the Golden Horde period, there is evidence of costumes of both natives and Mongolian nobles. At that time, the origin of the Caucasus costumes can be traced back to the previous period. Of great interest are fabrics of the Chinese civilization that were found in the burials of the North Caucasus. Textile imports are the evidence of outside trade contacts of the North Caucasus with other regions.



Special attention is given here to the fabrics of local origin, for which flax or hemp were used as raw material; the development of color preferences in the costume of the North Caucasus, where the decisive factor was the landscape and natural environment of the Central Cis-Caucasus, is also examined.

The costume consist not only of clothes, headgear and footwear, but is an entire set of objects, which transform clothes into the costume proper. These are belts, decorations, amulets, accessories (dressing articles, handbags, purses, etc.), weapons, make-up, hair-do. To simplify reference to this set of objects, we are going to call it by the general term "attire", bearing in mind the conventional nature of the word.

Decorations and accessories of the costume as well as the dress kept changing with time, external influences and fashion. Not only is attire functional, it also contains information on its evolution, and this information gives insight into aspects of history and culture.

On the other hand, due to external influences, attire reflects interaction between the peoples of Cis-Caucasus and external ethnic groups. Based on the data available on belts and glass, we can confirm the existence of trade routes in various directions, while the intensity of foreign trade varied over time. In the 6th-9th centuries, the Byzantine connections via the Crimean peninsula were predominant. Sogdiana and Khorezm determined the Eastern direction for imports of Indian beads and necklaces. Iranian imports came with locally made glassware from the immediate neighbors in Transcaucasia.

In llth-12th cc, the trade direction changed, probably due to the rise of a new neighbor, Tmutarakan. The Golden Horde promoted Eastern trading goods in the Caucasus. The distinction between a decoration and an amulet in ancient times was subtle indeed. Often any part of decoration could serve as an amulet or charm. An ornate dressing article could become a decoration for the costume, while its fancy shape (such as a fingernail file shaped as the claw of a beast) gave it an apotropaic character. We should remember this point when we consider beads, earrings, bracelets and finger rings to be ornamental, while we also recognize their protective functions. We categorize as amulets or charms those parts of the costume whose semantics are apparently associated with ideological concepts.

Together with the clothes, the decorations, belts and amulets provide information about their owner. First of all, they characterize the time when this complex of the medieval Caucasian costume existed. This was determined by interaction between Iranian-Alanic, Adygee and Turkic ethnic groups and resulted in the culture of the present-day peoples of the Caucasus. Within the feudal organization, attire indicated a person's social and economic position in society, evolving into the belt sex used by medieval aristocratic warriors and the headgear worn by mothers. The owner's economic position was emphasized through the quality of the material used. Yet the main inventory of attire remained the same for both rich and poor, demonstrating the common ideal of beauty expressed in the Caucasus costume.

As it contained the sign system of the medieval society, the costume carried a number of varions semantic values. Among others, clothes sent as gift from the Byzantine court to barbarian chieftains were of special significance. Such gifts in the form of clothes and fabrics are not just explained by their value. At the Byzantine court, the cut, color and lapel all were signs of the owner's social position. Therefore, not so much the clothes as such were bestowed, but rather the social status that they denoted. Conversely, the barbarian obsession with Byzantine apparel was not simply explained with their passion for gems, royal garments, accoutrements and headdress. The explanation was in the political situation of the barbarian societies going through the stage of state formation. To them, Byzantine apparel was a requisite, similar to the rules of church building and fresco painting.

At times, certain parts of the Caucasian costume illustrate circumstances pertaining to an entirely different nation or ethnosphere. For instance, regiments of Caucasian natives served among the Egyptian mamelukes, and by the 90s of the 14th century Circassian mameluks founded a dynasty of their own. The mameluks gave rise to new traditions that had been unknown to the people of the Nile. Since the mameluks arrived in Egypt, the Tartar-style kaftan and the Circassian skullcap became common. In this case, the headgear borrowed from another culture is connected to somewhat unusual circumstances. Homosexual relationships were common among the mameluks, which practice also ran among the local population. Wearing a Circassian cap that covered his forehead and neck, a youth looked like a maiden. Knowing that their husbands are not indifferent to young boys, some wives wore Circassian caps to retain their spouse's love.

Sometimes the costume is transformed in a seemingly most extraordinary way. Examining this process can produce unexpected results. Among other ceremonial vestures used at the Byzantine court was a dress known as tzttzaki. This type of dress was introduced to Byzantium in the 7th century by a Khazar princess, the mother of Leo the Khazar (see N.P.Kondakov, 1929, p. 225). It is an amazing fact that a barbarian woman's garment should become ceremonial apparel at the Byzantine court. To reveal the process, one has to know



i I

the origins: the Khazar dress and the Byzantine garment. Unfortunately, we have no such data. But the reference to the Khazar woman's dress in the original document helped a researcher find her name. Y.Moravcik used the Khazar origin of the word cbicbak as the starting point to discover an unknown Khazar name. Cbichak, or "flower", was the name of the young Khazar princess who later on became Queen Irene of Byzantium (Y.Moravcik, 1931, p. 76).

As becomes obvious from the above, the costume played a remarkable role in the medieval society not only as clothes, but as an ethnic, social, semantic sign in a specific historical context. It was not by chance, therefore, that the costume became the focus of attention among descriptions of material culture in the Nart legend. Handicraft and embroidery are specially noted in the narrative, which emphatically asserts that the above-mentioned crafts were the principal occupation of Caucasian women, a sign of their skill of clothes-making: cloaks and coats of hides, embroidery of gold and silk. Mastery in handicraft was listed equal to beauty when a bride was chosen for marriage.

In the Nart epics, there is no way to tell apart the costumes of Cis-Caucasian peoples, and the same can be said about archeological material. All archeological material coincides with the main body of the epic, and the archaeology and the epic together reflect the historical context of the Cis-Caucasus area and adjacent regions in the Middle Ages.

The evolution of the costume complex of the North Caucasian peoples illustrates the process of interaction between the traditions and innovations in their historical context. This cultural synthesis demonstrates the common origin and fate of the peoples of North Caucasus.

In this context, the region of the North Caucasus should be considered a cultural and historical landscape that arises from the shared territory and natural and climatic environment which determine the integrated economic development of the area, as well as from the basic cultural substratum and the innovation processes that influence the latter.

As in the case of geographic divisions, where borderlines may not always be sharply defined, so do historical and cultural divisions by areas presuppose that some transition zones should exist between the interacting areas. If we consider the North Caucasus on the one hand and Central Asia on the other as two cultural and historical landscapes in contact, then Daghestan and Chechnya will be the transition zone of their cultural interaction.

Proceeding from the data on the costume, we can define this area as a transition zone where we come across features of costume sets from both, the North Caucasus and Central Asia. The tight-waisted, funnel-shaped, buttonless cut, the distinct triangular silhouette, the reserved color scale and well-designed limited range of decorations—these are typical characteristics of the woman's costume of North Caucasus. The T-shaped cut, the rectangular silhouette, bright variegated colors and a abundance of bright accessories are typical for the Central Asian costume.

In complexes in Chechnya, we frequently come across dresses of the traditional North Caucasian cut with breast-piece and belt. But they are made of multicolored cloth-something totally alien to the clothes of the western part of the North Caucasus where the word "bright" used to mean "tasteless" when applied to clothes. In this case, the choice of printed cloth brings together the predilections of Chechen and Daghestani women. That is a sign of the Eastern trend in the tradition of color preferences in Chechnya and Daghestan. In the ensemble of their daily costume, the combination of a T-shaped dressing shirt, pants and a headscarf is prevalent. The T-shaped cut—as the most ancient among all peoples of the North Caucasus—was preserved in the undershirt. Among Chechen and Daghestani women, such dressing shirt and pants (without overclothes) were the norm. Their preference for neck scarves, headscarves and shawls rather than hats brings Chechen and Daghestani ensembles closer to their eastern neighbors.

The predominance of North Caucasian features in complexes in Chechnya, and of Central Asian ones in those of Daghestan, is explained by the fact that the cultural development impulse gets weaker as one moves from the center towards the periphery.

Analysis of the cultural and historical development of the adjacent areas should allow us to identify phenomena of transitional cultural zones for various chronological periods as well as for other elements of culture.

The ethnic costume derives from the complex cultural development of a people. As a
result of this development, the costume ensemble is made of the parts that best meet the
requirements and tastes of the owners. The formation of the ethnic ensemble happens
gradually. It is not always the case that we can trace the entire developmental sequence of a
certain part of the costume. Nevertheless, since similarities exist between the ancient and \
modern ethnographic forms, this helps establish the origin of the latter. I

The idea of autochthonous traditions and an overemphasis on the Iranian component in the cultural formation of the North Caucasus were the established point of view of the Soviet historical discipline. Consequently, an opinion was established that the Caucasian kaftan is typically Iranian in its basic nature.

The emphasis on the ethnic attribution of one part of the costume does not determine the origin of the ensemble as a whole.

What, in fact, are we to understand by the "Iranian basis"? If we are talking about the predecessors of the Alans in the North Caucasus—the Scythians and the Sarmatians—then, notwithstanding their shared Iranian culture, it would be not quite correct, in our opinion, to jump to conclusions and identify the Alanic costume with the Iranian tradition.

It is obvious that Scythians and Persians culturally crystallized together in the same region. The Mane, Ur and Lydian complexes played an important role in the development of Iranian culture. Persians, however, were influenced notably by the Elam-Anman cultural component, while Scythians grew out of the "Cimmerian" stratum. As a result, two versions of the Iranian culture complex were formed, similar but at the same time having many and various differences. Persians created an imperial cultural edition of the Middle Eastern despotism. The costume of Scythians, related to the steppe, shows many properties similar to the costumes of the Central Asian cattle-breeding nomads—the Saka—and the settled cattle-farmers and planters of Sogdiana and Khorezm.

The place of the Scythians in the North Caucasus is taken by the Sarmatians, and their costume is essentially connected with the East Saka traditions. The Sarmatians brought with them the narrow elongated kaftan, long pants and leggings, as well as high boots.

In the early 1st millennium, from the second stage of the Sarmatian culture, the Central Asian elements become dramatically more influential. Approximately at the turn of the millennium, elements of the Hun culture were imported into Sarmatia, mostly in the form of clothes in burials on the Lower Volga and the Kuban river.

After a century, in the late 1st century AD, when Alans arrived on the Lower Don and Kuban, jewelry appears with red and green-blue stones, the earliest of which are known from China in the Chou dynasty of the 3rd-2nd centuries ВС, and found also with the Saka and Usuns in the Seven Rivers area. This jewelry becomes common in Central Asia and Sarmatia in the 1st century AD (Yatsenko, 1903, p. 102).

The costumes of the ancient Iranian speakers and Turkic nomads have more similarities than dissimilarities. First, the clothes of the barbarians were made on an elaborate pattern and in that, probably, they contrasted with the clothes of Classical Antiquity and the Ancient East where clothes were not donned but wrapped around the body. Second, the costume evolved as rider's dress and became a unified complex even before the middle of the 1st millennium AD.

Such complete forms made of canvas, silk or woolen fabrics, headgear of leather, cloth or fur, and leather footwear have been recorded in the 7th century burials of the North Caucasus. This coincides in time with the formation of the powerful Khazar Khanate in the extensive area from the Caspian to the Black Sea. However, the Khazar issue remained a political taboo in the Soviet historical discipline. This resulted in an ambiguous attitude towards the Turkic cultural heritage.

Archaeologists today believe that a large number of finds from in Daghestan and Central Cis-Caucasia are of Khazar origin.

The culture of the Khanate was basically Khazarian. But the ancient Bulgar and Alanic ethnic groups were also involved in its creation. We also should not the role of the Adygee tribes and the ancestors of Nakh people who inhabited the south-western areas of the North Caucasus and were drawn into the orbit of the Khazar rule.

Not all scholars believe that the Khazar Khanate played a positive role in development of the culture of the aforementioned tribes. The majority, however, find positive influences of Khazaria in the creation of the culture of the North Caucasian tribes (E.I.Krupnov, 1947, p. 127; VAKuznetsov, 1992, p. 166, SAPletnyova, 1999, p. 221; D.V.Gadlo, 1979, p. 205, etc.). No scholar questions the fact that the cultures of the various peoples who inhabited the Khazar Khanate grew closer together.

In this sequence, the costume takes a distinctive place as the main indicator of the single material culture of the peoples of the Khazar Khanate.

The cut of the North Caucasus kaftans matches the cut of the Turkic shoulder clothes. A particularly good illustration of this conclusion is the Moschevaya Balka kaftan made of Iranian cloth with seimurkas but in accordance with the established Turkic standard. It is worth mentioning that the Moschevaya Balka burial is associated with the Adygee ethnos. This confirms the uniform material culture in the Empire where the nobility, regardless of their ethnic origin, dressed to the Turkic fashion.

ОГЛАВЛЕНИЕ

М.В.Горелик. От научного редактора.......................................................................................................................... 5

Введение. КОСТЮМ КАК ИСТОРИЧЕСКИЙ ИСТОЧНИК........................................................................ 6

Глава 1. КОСТЮМ VII - ПЕРВОЙ ПОЛОВИНЫ XI ВЕКА ......................................................................... 13

1.1. Костюмный комплекс.......................................................................................................................................... 13

Мужской костюм ................................................................................................................................................... 13

Женский костюм.................................................................................................................................................... 18

Детский костюм .................................................................................................................................................... 26

1.2. Внешность населения Северного Кавказа в раннем средневековье ......................... 28

1.3. Костюмы персонажей рельефов Кяфарской гробницы ...................................................... 30

1.4. Кавказский текстиль VII — первой половины IX века ............................................................ 36

Глава 2. КОСТЮМ ВТОРОЙ ПОЛОВИНЫ XI - XV ВЕКА ......................................................................... 52

2.1. Половецкий ансамбль ......................................................................................................................................... 52

Мужской комплекс ................................................................................................................................................ 52

Женский комплекс ................................................................................................................................................. 53

2.2. Костюмы местного населения второй половины XI — XII века ................................... 55

Мужской костюм................................................................................................................................................... 55

Женский костюм .................................................................................................................................................... 59

2.3. Костюмы эпохи сложения и расцвета Золотой Орды.

XIII — первая половина XIV века ......................................................................................................................... 61

2.4. Костюмы периода распада Золотой Орды.

Вторая половина XIV — XV век............................................................................................................................. 73

Глава 3. КОСТЮМ В ИСТОРИЧЕСКОМ КОНТЕКСТЕ СРЕДНЕВЕКОВЬЯ .................................... 82

3.1. Трактовка элементов кавказского костюма

в исторических событиях и явлениях............................................................................................................ 82

3.2. Средневековый костюм народов Предкавказья

в контексте нартского эпоса ................................................................................................................................... 84 !

Глава 4. СЛОЖЕНИЕ ЦВЕТОВЫХ ПРЕДПОЧТЕНИЙ В КОСТЮМЕ \

НАРОДОВ СЕВЕРНОГО КАВКАЗА ................................................................................................................................. 95 '

4.1. Красильное ремесло .............................................................................................................................................. 95

4.2. Костюм и природная среда ............................................................................................................................. 97

4-3. Социальная символика цвета ....................................................................................................................... 98

Глава 5. ИСТОКИ И ЭТНОГРАФИЧЕСКИЕ ПАРАЛЛЕЛИ

СРЕДНЕВЕКОВОГО КАВКАЗСКОГО КОСТЮМА ............................................................................................. 101

5.1. Комплекс мужского костюма ........................................................................................................................ 101

5.2. Комплекс женского костюма ........................................................................................................................ 107

Заключение. СРЕДНЕВЕКОВЫЙ КОСТЮМ НАРОДОВ СЕВЕРНОГО КАВКАЗА

КАК ИСТОРИКО-КУЛЬТУРНЫЙ ФЕНОМЕН........................................................................................................ 113

Библиография ....................................................................................................................................................................^ 117 |

Список сокращений................................................................................................................................................................... 123 •

Аннотированный именной указатель ...................................................................................................................... 124

Аннотированный указатель названий элементов костюма ................................................................. 126

Аннотированный указатель археологических памятников................................................................. 128

Указатель географических и этнических названий .................................................................................... 130

Summary................................................................................................................................................................... 131

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